Without a clear recognition of the reality on the ground, especially Azerbaijan's obstructionist behavior, and without substantive enforcement instruments provided by international actors, a piece of paper cannot serve as a real peace deal, Tatevik Hayrapetyan writes.
The region’s security arrangement remains in flux as Azerbaijan amplified its rhetorical aggression and engaged in expansive troop movements and build-up in border areas. Greater Western involvement has deepened the alliance between Azerbaijan and Russia. While Moscow and Baku have established a united front against the West’s presence in the region, Armenia has proceeded to reconfigure its strategic interests, advancing its democracy narrative, while aligning its preferences to the resolution of the conflict with the Western-led stabilization efforts.
Being at the crossroads between East and West, Armenia has thrived only when these two forces were at an equilibrium and neither was strong enough to exert disproportionate influence on its domestic affairs. But what about its connection to Mediterranean civilizations?
The devastation caused by the massive earthquake in Turkey and Syria last week is human, material, political and diplomatic. Tigran Yegavian explains.
Azerbaijan has made an enormous strategic mistake, Russia has allowed for a sizable power vacuum in the region, and the United States has determined to capitalize on these developments, undertaking a policy pivot in the South Caucasus.
For years, the EU did nothing to reign Putin in. Finding an alternative for its energy needs, the EU traded one gas supplier waging a genocidal war of aggression—Russia, with another—Azerbaijan.
If the EU is honest in its commitment to make peace possible in the South Caucasus, then it needs to address Baku’s ongoing anti-Armenian rhetoric and policy of creating permanent tensions on the borders to pressure Armenia for further concessions.
1850-ականների Ղրիմի պատերազմի, միջազգային խորը հակասությունների ու Սևծովյան տարածաշրջանում ազդեցությունն ավելացնելու շարունակվող պայքարին անդրադարձող հոդվածի ՁայնաԳիր տարբերակը։
The Crimean War in the 1850s did not resolve the geopolitical rivalries of the parties involved. The fight for influence in the Black Sea region continues even today.
«Քաղաքականություն» բաժնում հրապարակված՝ Սոսի Թաթիկյանի «Մաս 1. Ի՞նչ կարող է պատահել Լեռնային Ղարաբաղի հայերին. նրանց անվտանգության և մարդու իրավունքների երաշխիքների բացակայությունից բխող անորոշություններ» հոդվածի ձայնագիրը: Ընթերցում է Սոնա Ներսեսյանը: Երեք մասից բաղկացած հոդվածաշարի առաջին մասում Սոսի Թաթիկյանը վերլուծում է Լեռնային Ղարաբաղի անորոշությունները և հնարավոր սցենարները, եթե Հայաստանի ղեկավարությունը ճանաչի Ադրբեջանի տարածքային ամբողջականությունը։
A new security environment was created after the 2020 Artsakh War, requiring a revision of Armenia’s National Security Strategy that was adopted before Azerbaijan launched the war in Nagorno-Karabakh. Hovsep Kanadyan explains.
«Կարծիք» բաժնում հրապարակված՝ Կայծ Մինասեանի «Արցախ-Ուկրաինա. Հայաստանը` երկու պատերազմի արանքում» հոդվածի ձայնագիրը: Ընթերցում է Սոնա Ներսեսյանը: Փետրվարի 24-ին Ռուսաստանի ներխուժումից հետո Ուկրաինայում ծավալվող իրադարձությունների շուրջ չդադարող լարվածության պայմաններում և 2020 թվականին Արցախում պարտությունից հետո Հայաստանն ինչպե՞ս կարող է դուրս գալ ահագնացող հակամարտությունների այս շղթայից:
For over 30 years, there has been a constant refrain on the righteousness of Armenia’s national aims and precious little about the means towards those ends, and the feasibility of those chosen goals.
In EVN Report’s news roundup for the week of April 29: the Foreign Ministers of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Russia to meet in Dushanbe on May 13; ongoing opposition protests are calling for the resignation of PM Nikol Pashinyan; a number of former state officials issue statement on the critical situation in the country following the 2020 Artsakh War and more.
In Part 1 of a three-part series, Sossi Tatikyan analyzes the uncertainties and possible scenarios for Nagorno-Karabakh if Armenia’s leadership goes ahead with the recognition of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity.
In the wake of lingering concern over the events unfolding in Ukraine following Russia’s February 24 invasion and its defeat in Artsakh in 2020, how can Armenia pull itself out of this chain of elevated conflicts?
The impossible situation that Armenia finds itself in because of the Russo-Ukraine conflict can be mitigated through a policy known as strategic shirking, argues Nerses Kopalyan.
Media commentators, analysts and historians have all scrambled to draw historical parallels to make sense of Putin’s recent aggression toward Ukraine, but there have been relatively few nuanced references to World War I.
The rise of China has shifted the geopolitical center of gravity to the Indo-Pacific. What does this paradigm shift entail? How can Armenia navigate the transition and find its place on the world stage?
The strategic limitations of the last 30 years are no longer tenable, and there is an acute need for innovation, creativity and sophistication in creating a new chapter in U.S.-Armenia relations.
Western attempts to infiltrate into the sphere of Russian influence have meant to weaken Russia and maintain constant tension. Could this result in larger clashes with more unpredictable consequences, this time between large geopolitical players?
Turkey is Georgia’s main source of imports and finances strategic infrastructure such as energy projects. The imbalanced arrangement provided Turkey with “strategic depth” and opportunities for power projection. Armenians are apprehensive about the repercussions of going in the same direction.
The recognition of the Armenian Genocide by the U.S. stemmed from its own interests. Other allied powers are considering following suit. Will Armenia be able to take advantage of this shift in global geopolitics?
As Armenia seeks to develop a new national security framework following the defeat in the 2020 Artsakh War, relations with Iran could play an increasingly important role.
Following the 2020 Artsakh War, the creation of a new geopolitical reality in the region by Baku and Ankara opened a "Pandora's Box" forcing the main stakeholders to re-articulate their geopolitical agenda.
Azerbaijan and Turkey are highly incentivized to make the Meghri corridor a reality as soon as possible. For Azerbaijan it’s to have a direct link with its exclave of Nakhijevan. For Turkey, it opens up a direct connection with Azerbaijan and the Turkic world beyond.
Given the growing sense of global multipolarity and the apparent twilight years of the American-anchored liberal international order, Armenia cannot solely rely on friends and allies around the globe to ensure its survival. A more realistic approach is necessary.
International human rights defending organizations have been speaking in a language of “neutrality” which, in the context of the war crimes committed by Azerbaijan during and after the 2020 Artsakh War, is anything but objective, writes Karena Avedissian.
Turkey, Georgia and Azerbaijan institutionalized their triangle long before the 2020 Artsakh War and have established deep roots of cooperation.
On October 30, 2017 the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars Railway better known as the Akhalkalak-Kars Railway, became operational. The Akhalkalak Terminal, is only 30 kilometers from Armenia’s border. What does this mean for Armenia and for the Armenians of Javakhk? Vahram Ter Matevosyan takes a closer look at the implications and prospects for Armenia.
EVN Report’s mission is to empower Armenia, inspire the diaspora and inform the world through sound, credible and fact-based reporting and commentary. Our goal is to increase public trust in the media. EVN Report is the media arm of EVN News Foundation registered in the Republic of Armenia in 2017.
