Georgia’s Struggle Against the “Foreign Agent Bill”

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Introduction 

“No to the Russian law!” is one of the many slogans being chanted in the streets of Tbilisi. Last Tuesday, the Georgian parliament backed the second reading of the “foreign agent” bill, which is similar to a 2012 law used in Russia to crush independent journalism and civil society. This proposed law would require Georgian NGOs and media outlets that receive more than 20% of their funding from foreign sources to register as organizations “carrying the interests of a foreign power.” 

Over the past three weeks, thousands of civilians have protested every night, fearing that this law would push Georgia towards authoritarianism and Russia’s influence. Last week’s events, including a bellicose and foreboding speech by oligarch Bidzina Ivanishivili and police violence, have added fuel to the protestor’s fire. 

Taline Oundjian covers these recent events.

Massive Mobilization, Extensive Use of Tear Gas 

The “global party of war” interferes with Georgia’s interests, says the honorary chair of the Georgian Dream party, oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili. In a speech on Monday, April 29, Georgia’s “strongman” spread conspiracy theories at a highly orchestrated rally. The event, recorded by numerous cameras on giant stabilizers, was accompanied by traditional Georgian songs. Tens of thousands gathered on Rustaveli Avenue, in front of the Parliament. Politicians from the government and the municipality addressed a compliant crowd, with widespread reports stating that many civilians and state employees were pressured into attending. Hundreds of buses were deployed to transport attendees from all over Georgia. 

In the crowd, some elderly people held golden frames of icons of Jesus while speakers from the stage denounced “LGBT propaganda”. Ivanishvili directly threatened civilian organizations with repression, stating, “I know many of our supporters were dissatisfied that we did not punish the United National Movement enough.” His speech underscored the authoritarian tendencies of the government.

“NGOs have already tried to launch a revolution twice in recent years. NGOs are pseudo-elite, nurtured by a foreign country, and have several key characteristics,” he claimed. A main target of this rhetoric is “the West”, a powerful yet abstract entity perceived to be seeking control over the region. Ivanishvili’s messages are mixed, as he simultaneously assures that “with sovereignty and dignity intact, by 2030, Georgia will join the EU.” 

The government first attempted to pass this law in 2023. Facing significant popular opposition, the process was halted. Now, with the draft back on the table, citizens feel deceived. As a local political activist expressed, “Nothing will make a Georgian angrier than being taken for a fool.”

The following day, the second reading of the bill began. Further angered by Ivanishvili’s speech, thousands of protestors gathered. By evening, people were standing in front of the parliament with their children, even bringing their cats and dogs. Old women sold flowers, popcorn, and Georgian and European flags. The atmosphere appeared joyful and optimistic, but the younger generation remains realistic. Demetre, a twenty-two-year-old medical student holds a banner quoting the French social-drama movie La Haine: “So far, everything is alright.”

“This quote reflects a society in denial of its downfall” Demetre explains. “I see Georgia in the same way. The economy, people’s mindsets… Citizens are pitted against each other, when we should be united against the government, to resist falling under Russian power. This is a societal failure.” Demetre has no doubt the law will pass. “It’s going to be difficult for us. My only hope is the European Union. We must continue to protest, there’s no other way but rebellion.”

The reading of the law proceeds as protestors begin to surround the parliament, blockading the three main entrances. Among them is the political opposition leader Nika Gvaramia, who states: “Our strategy now is to make their life like hell. This is about our children and their children’s future. We’re neither pessimistic nor optimistic — we’re determined. We choose Europe; that’s our final word.” The peaceful demonstration continues with chants and shouts of “Sakartvelo” the Georgian name for Georgia, and “Slaves of Russia” directed towards the parliament’s windows. As the evening progresses, riot police in balaclavas appear, blocking the adjacent streets and soon come face-to-face with the demonstrators, causing the situation to devolve into chaos. 

Without any significant provocation from the protestors, the riot police — also called titushkas by locals — launch a brutal attack on the crowd, punching people in the face, pulling hair, and forcing some to the ground. In response, protesters begin to build barricades. Soon, water cannons, bean bag guns, and tear gas are deployed to disperse the protesters, filling the streets with people writhing in pain and struggling to breathe due to the effects of the tear gas. A young woman, wrapped in the European flag, stands as a human shield against the line of riot police. The confrontations continue late into the night. By the next morning, footage of the disproportionate use of force had gone viral on social media. Georgian President Salome Zurabishvili urges the Georgian government “to immediately stop the crackdown of peaceful demonstrations, the use of excessive force, and the violence against the unarmed youth.” 

The second reading of the draft and resulting police violence sparked one of the largest demonstrations in recent Georgian history. On May 1, around 80,000 protestors gathered, well-equipped with masks, glasses, and saline. Some even distributed these items for free among the crowd. The preparations proved useful, as the massive use of tear gas caused discomfort even near the Opera House, 500 meters away. 

The use of tear gas was in response to some demonstrators who shook the gates of the parliament and briefly tried to climb them. Protestors pushed cardboard and dumpsters against the gates to block the stream of water cannons coming from inside the parliament’s yard. Some tried to use cafe tables and chairs, but others stopped them. “That is private property. Only use municipality and government property,” we heard. At this point, a large amount of tear gas was released in the narrow 9 Aprili Street, causing a brief but intense crush, with people struggling to breathe and coughing, pushing one other to escape. Some children were also caught in the chaos. 

That night 15 people were hospitalized after the protests were dispersed. Some were hit by rubber bullets, a claim Deputy Interior Minister Aleksandre Darakhvelidze denies, despite stating that “the conditions warranted their legal use.” 

Another Round

Despite the peak of violence, Georgians continued to protest every night, albeit in smaller numbers. The opponents of the draft have yet to mobilize a national movement. Although the crowd is diverse, the majority of demonstrators are young, educated people from Tbilisi — students, artists, and human rights activists. 

The strength of this popular movement lies in its spontaneous organization. On May 2, roughly 200 people blocked one of Tbilisi’s main crossroads on Heroes’ Square. Police responded with pepper spray and arrested two people. Upon hearing this, thousands of demonstrators at the parliament swiftly occupied the crossroad within an hour. Traffic was halted until the middle of the night, and most drivers didn’t complain. Some even joined the protestors, while making way when ambulances or cars with children needed passage. When it began to rain, those remaining started dancing, saying, “We got used to water cannons, we’re not afraid of a bit of rain.” 

A young Russian woman who arrived in Tbilisi from Saint Petersburg in 2022, watches the joyful crowd from a road-bridge of the square and says: “We know what it’s like to live under the repression of the Russian system. We [Russians living in Tbilisi] are all talking about the same thing: we don’t want this place to become just like what we left.” Russians residing in Tbilisi have not been very visible during these protests.

At this stage, most protestors admit they’re unsure of what they can achieve with this movement. Their primary motivation is fear for their freedom and integrity. Every movement needs a symbol and in this case, it’s the blue flag with a circle of yellow stars. For Tinano, a medical student, Europe represents freedom from Russian influence. “Everyone has a story about Russia,” she says. “I remember the 2008 bombings. It’s been 200 years of Russian occupation in Georgia, from the Russian Empire to the USSR, and now Abkhazia and what they call South Ossetia.” 

The technical details of Georgia joining the EU don’t seem to be a concern for most. Polls indicate that around 80% of the country supports EU membership. Opponents of the law warn that enacting it could jeopardize the country’s EU ambitions. Another student, who wished to remain anonymous, said, “I was born in 2003. We don’t know the Soviet Union, we don’t want to know what it’s like to be in Russia. Russia still occupies 20% of our country. Now we’re afraid that they might simply invade us.” 

Around two in the morning, riot police began to clear Heroes’ Square, this time without balaclavas. 

Many outsiders question why Bidzina Ivanishvili would want to implement such an unpopular law just months before the next parliamentary elections.

Sergi Kapanadze, founder of the think tank GRASS and former deputy foreign minister, states, “Unfortunately we’ll never have a clear answer. It could be a strategic miscalculation by Ivanishvili or personal paranoia to get rid of NGOs. What’s highly likely is that the government is currently receiving orders from Russia.”

The developments in Georgia could impact the whole region. One banner this week read, “Armenians and Azerbaijanis in solidarity with Georgians. This affects us all.” If Russia achieves its goals in Georgia, it may be difficult to prevent it from achieving its other objectives in the South Caucasus. “If Georgia turns pro-Russia, it might complicate Armenia’s efforts to strengthen its ties with the West as it’s currently trying to do,” Kapanadze explains. “On the other hand, I’m sure Georgians won’t let the government win. If the movement leads to the end of the Georgian Dream, we can envisage a future based on the EU, which would be good news for the whole region in terms of security guarantees.”

Georgian president Salome Zurabishvili said she would veto the bill if it passes. But that would only postpone the law’s implementation, as her veto can be easily overridden by parliament. 

Parliament will continue its review of the draft next week. Another large protest is anticipated for May 11, which this year is, ironically, Europe Day. Local activists say their determination and energy are unprecedented, but the challenge now is to mobilize enough people.

Ezo is a well-known alternative cafe bar-restaurant in Tbilisi. Co-founder Kristo, 47, has been a political activist since 2003. For the last three weeks, she has spent her days working at Ezo and her nights protesting.

While the movement appears strong, it lacks structure. Kristo doesn’t view this as a weakness, stating, “Not having a political party dominating the stage makes us stronger. We only answer to the Georgian people’s interests.” 

The objective now is to set the pace for the government: “We act, they react, not the other way around. We are unsure of the impact of our movement. Will it be through the abandonment of the law, or the resignation of Georgian Dream? All I know is that I’ve never seen it so big and united. Based on experience, when something is this large, it can’t be stopped. The only way to stop it would be if Russian troops arrive.” 

Kristo fears that the government may resort to more repression. “I think they know they’re losing, which makes them more dangerous,” she says. While she couldn’t provide many details, she discloses that activists are organizing through a vast coordinated network facilitated by chat groups. “This self-organizing system inevitably leads to mistakes, but the diversity of talents and their independence is our strength. It’s hard to coordinate, but I’m 100% sure that we’ll put a stop to it.”

Around 8 p.m., one of the main Telegram chats discloses the day’s first protester arrests. “Let’s go,” she says. A few minutes later, amid the march approaching the main office of Georgian Dream, thousands of people continue to sing a long-forgotten Georgian folk song, night after night:

This fairy tale will have a happy end
Don’t be scared
I’m with you
I sing for you
And we will be happy.

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