The Feminization of Labor Migration: Women’s Changing Family Roles

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Parandzem,* 50, splits her time between Armenia and the United States for work, spending six months in each country. In Armenia, she lives with her husband and two sons, working as a nurse. In the United States, she transitions to a role as a caregiver for an elderly woman with health issues.

“During this time, I live in the house where I work, so I don’t have to pay rent and my meals are provided,” Parandzem explains. “I work six days a week and have Sundays off.” She earns $3,000 a month for her work, a significantly higher salary than she makes in Armenia. “Being away from home and family is difficult, but this money helps solve many problems at home.”

Parandzem is candid about how many people like her obtain tourist visas to go to the U.S., find work through the help of relatives or friends, and return with earnings after working for at least five or six months. 

“They care for the elderly, babysit young children, clean houses, work in restaurants, basically anything they find,” she says, adding that she has already made this journey twice and is now waiting for another six months to pass before making another attempt. “Of course, there is always fear because we are considered illegal workers. We enter the country on a tourist visa, and there is a risk of being stopped at the airport and denied entry, especially if they figure out why we travel so often.”

Tatevik Bezhanyan, a migration expert at Armenian Caritas, notes that the geography of labor migration for Armenian women is different. While they travel to Russia, Greece, Iran, and European countries, they most frequently choose the U.S. and Turkey. Turkey in particular became a migration destination for labor immediately following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Unemployment and financial hardship forced women to take this route as well.

Nvard Harutyunyan, a 60-year-old hairdresser, has been traveling to Turkey for many years to work in a variety of jobs. Although she recalls being afraid at first, over time, the country became familiar.

“My first job was as a cleaner in a hotel, then I started sewing bags. During those years, many Russians also came looking for work; I remember a group of teachers. We slept in the same workshop,” recalls Harutyunyan. She has held various jobs and currently cares for an elderly Turkish woman. She notes that Armenian women in Turkey typically earn $500-$600 a month –– an income they cannot secure in Armenia.

According to Bezhanyan, the majority of women who travel to Turkey for work are typically over 50. For women of this age, finding a job in Armenia that pays well is challenging. 

“A study revealed that elderly people in Turkey trust and readily hire women from Armenia. I can’t say why,” Bezhanyan says and speculates that Armenians might be perceived as more honest and attentive. However, the number of people migrating to neighboring Iran for work is notably minimal.

Harutyunyan notes that she has only worked as a caregiver in Turkish households. “I have never had a problem. They treat me well. I also know Turkish, which I learned from my parents who repatriated to Armenia from Syria. I have no fears, they treat me with great respect. I was there during the days when Hrant Dink was murdered, and I remember that we freely discussed what had happened with the local Turks,” she says.

Ethnosociologist Mihran Galstyan, the head of the Ethnosociology Department of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, explains that Turkey is an interesting destination for labor migration. However, he notes several challenges, including historical memories related to the genocide, religious differences, and shifting gender roles. 

Galstyan’s research reveals how Armenian women are overcoming these barriers, particularly in roles where they care for elderly Turkish men as live-in caregivers. “Migration crosses all kinds of boundaries: historical memory, religion and gender,” he explains, noting however that there is an income disparity between locals and illegal labor migrants in Turkey, with locals earning more for the same work. Despite this, migrants are not concerned with their status. They just need a job and a stable income.

Feminization and Vulnerability

Mihran Galstyan notes that there is a trend towards the feminization of labor migration globally. He states that in some countries, more than 50% of migrants are women. 

“In Moldova, women make up more than 50% of labor migrants and contribute to over 10% of their GDP,” says Galstyan. He compares this with the situation in Armenia, noting that such feminization is either absent or just emerging due to cultural characteristics. “This issue is typically discussed in terms of traditional roles; women seldom attribute themselves to roles or ‘statuses’ that are traditionally male,” he explains. “They often mention that their decision to migrate is to support their family.”

The scarcity of literature on female labor migrants is problematic according to Galstyan. Very few studies have been carried out, and they’re rarely mentioned even in Western literature, where women are typically depicted as accompanying or uniting the family. However, compared to men, women are more vulnerable. 

Galstyan explains that unmarried or widowed women, as well as elderly women who migrate to Turkey, often face societal stereotypes. When these women work in Turkey, they frequently experience isolation within their communities, which can result in a decline in their reputation. He notes that the situation is different when women migrate to Western countries, where they have relatives: “When women go to work abroad through relatives and live with them, they are not subjected to such sharp criticism; their reputation tends to remain intact.”

Tatevik Bezhanyan notes that, despite this, the number of women participating in Armenia’s labor migration is not particularly high. Since gaining independence, the male participation rate has remained steady at 73-75%, while female participation is around 25-27%. 

“By the way, some of these women have always worked. They leave with their families, meaning they depart with their husband and children and start working,” says Bezhanyan. She cites Georgia and Kyrgyzstan as examples, where women nearly equal men in migration flows, and the age range is younger. In Armenia, the age is higher.

Transformation of Families

Srbuhi,* 54, worked for many years in a Yerevan bank. However, she has periodically traveled to the U.S. to work since 2019. 

“We had a housing problem. We bought it with a loan and couldn’t make the payments. My sister, who lived in Glendale, suggested I come to her. I had a visa, so I went, and they helped me. I started working in a bakery, then in a meat shop, and now, for two years, I have been caring for an elderly woman, spending the entire day with her,” says Kirakosyan. She adds that her daughter is married, and her son is all grownup. Her husband and son “make do for six months” until she returns.

The absence of a spouse due to labor migration impacts the traditional family model, altering the roles within the family. This is particularly concerning in families where men travel abroad for work and are only present for three months out of the year.

These families form relationships “remotely” Galstyan says, and notes that oftentimes, divorce rates are higher. He points out that these men miss critical moments in their family’s life cycle, starting from the birth of a child. He mentions cases of newlywed men leaving their spouses before the couple has had a chance to adjust to co-living. 

Galstyan notes one of the most painful changes is the number of abandoned families in rural areas. According to their studies, women often find themselves alone with their children and elderly in-laws. Despite the hardships, they do not seek divorce and live in this situation for years. 

“Many find it unacceptable, but there is also an economic aspect. The husband sends money from abroad,” says Galstyan. He adds that another form of family transformation occurs when many men establish new families in their country of migration. “Sadly, families in Armenia transition from being based on love and harmony to being economically driven. Despite this, the woman often does not seek divorce. There are cases when the two women maintain contact or even visit each other. This isn’t in line with our Christian culture, but it is common.”

Bezhanyan asserts that the son of a permanent migrant is likely to become a future migrant himself. He tends to believe that the correct path involves getting married, leaving his family behind, working abroad, and sending money back home. “The Armenian family model has been upended,” Bezhanyan says. “The father, typically the figure of authority, is often absent and has always been the one sending money from abroad. This leaves him largely absent throughout the child’s development process. He is only intermittently present, and then only through phone calls.”

However, when women go abroad for work, the family tends to experience fewer disruptions. According to Bezhanyan, Armenian women are adaptable, quickly adjusting to new situations, and striving to share the family’s burden with their husbands.

“Let us remember the 1990s, when they went to work in Poland, stood in the markets there, and sold clothes. These women, who had worked in factories during Soviet times or whose professions became irrelevant after the collapse, experienced the first shock. The huge army of engineers also had to feed their families,” says Bezhanyan. She notes that women are more stress-resistant than men and quickly initiate and find solutions.

As an example, Bezhanyan mentions Syrian-Armenian women who moved to Armenia. Despite never having worked before, only doing handcrafts or, at best, working as school or kindergarten teachers, they adapted once in Armenia. 

“In Syria, one man worked and provided for his family of seven to eight people. Here, these women discovered that their skills could sustain their families. They used their adaptability to handle the responsibility and solve the family’s problems,” says the migration expert. They note that Armenian women consistently try to support their families to the fullest. Meanwhile, men are becoming more adaptable to the absence of women. “I believe times have changed.”

*Names have been changed to protect the identity of the women.

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